Category: History

Codices, Glyphics, Anthropology, Archeology, Oral Tradition

Itztlakoliuhki (Itztlacoliuhqui)

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By Obzidian

Itztlakoliuhki-Ixkimilli translates to Curved Point of Obsidian or Knife Eye Bundle. Some say that this is a mistranslation, and that the correct interpretation is “Everything Has Become Bent by Means of Coldness”, or “Plant-Killer-Frost”.

Itztlakoliuhki in the Codex Borgia

During the creation of the Fifth World, Itztlakoliuhki was once, Tlawizkalpantekuhtli (Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli) Lord of the Dawn, or Venus as the Morning Star. The sun deity, Tonatiuh demanded obedience and offerings from the other celestials before he would move. Enraged at his demands, Tlawizkalpantekuhtli as the Evening Star shot an arrow at Tonatiuh but his arrow missed. Tonatiuh threw the arrow back at Tlawizkalpantekuhtli, piercing him through the head.

At that moment, the Lord of the Dawn was punished by Tonatiuh and transformed into Itztlakoliuhki, deity of obsidian, coldness, frost, ice, cold, winter, punishment, human misery, objectivity, blind-folded justice and blindness. That is why it is said he represents matter in its lifeless state. Although in my opinion I would say he was the deity of justice. According to the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, an adulterer, was put to death in front of Itztlakoliuhki’s image.

Itztlakoliuhki rules over the 12th trecena Ze-Kuetzpallin. He is associated with the Night and the North. Itztlakoliuhki’s iconography depicts a straw tlaxpanoni (broom) in his hand, symbolizing the function of this wintry death, as the cleaner of the path for new life to emerge. Meaning that for 120 days, Itztlakoliuhki would sweep the grounds with snow. He also has a blind-fold because it is said he had his sight taken from him for attacking Tonatiuh.

Although there is common belief between many Native-American cultures that the eyes are the insight. In Mesoamerican creation stories it is said that humans were removed of their full sight because of their transgressions.

Itztlakoliuhki then became the deity that would take the sight of humans who would abuse consumption of food or carnal lust. He would take the sight of children whose parents were adulterous. He wore a yakameztli (moon shaped nose ring) which expresses the following lunar features of the deities: dominion over death, periodic regeneration, fertility, and power over vegetation, especially the maguey. He was in charge of punishing to death those who became drunk from pulque, the ritual drink from Tomoanchan. Itztlakoliuhki is depicted in the Codex Borgia with the dead man Kuextekatl who is being punished for getting drunk, and stripping naked in public. He is displayed with obsidian because of its association with atonement, self sacrifice, and divination.

Itztlakoliuhki exists in a triality consisting of his two variants-birth, life, and himself as death.

Birth is represented by Tezkatlipoka. Like Tlazoteotl (teteoh of love and purity) Tezkatlipoka, was also one that would hear confessions from humans. Itztlakoliuhki would then punish them accordingly. It is also said that Itztlakoliuhki was not just Tezkatlipoka but the Black Tezkatlipoka and was Zenteotl-Tezkatlipoka who was associated with maize.

In Mesoamerican cultures, maize was also a representation of the flesh. It was a part of all creation stories. Maize was central for the health and wellbeing of humans. Kuetzpallin was the caretaker of the corn and if anyone killed a lizard they would be punished with infertility.

Life is represented by Itzpapalotl who is Itztlakoliuhki’s female counterpart.

The residence of Itztlakoliuhki, was a steep hill covered with sharp obsidians that thwarted the dead as they climbed the place; having climbed and descended the hill, the region was divided into two sections with strong winds, indispensable for the dead to shed all their belongings such as clothing, jewellery, weapons and personal offal or internal organs. These winds were so strong that they raised stones and could cut the corpses of the dead with multiple flint tips as they walk through.

Codex Borbonico

Codex Borgia

Codex Dresden

Codex Telleriano-Remensis

Codex Vaticanus A 3738, 3773

Popol Vuh

Tonalamatl Aubin

Andrews, J. Richard (2003). Introduction to Classical Nahuatl (Revised ed.). Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

Brotherston, G. (2003). The Year In The Mexican Codices: The Nature And Structure Of The Eighteen Feasts. Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl, 34, 67.

Los desechos y el cambio de pañales de los Indigena

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En Mesoamérica antes de la llegada de los españoles, los indígenas no vestían mucha ropa porque estar desnudos no era algo vergonzoso. El cuerpo desnudo fue aceptado y la gente no lo vio de una manera impactante. Existían estrictos protocolos de higiene. Según algunos de las Crónicas españolas, cuando llegaron a México, no podían creer lo limpio que estaba todo. Se dice que los indigena iban a las casas de baños a veces dos veces al día. Estaban limpios y olían fragantes.

Había un sistema para realizar un seguimiento de los desechos. En la cultura Mexikah, las heces se recolectaban cuidadosamente en canoas debajo de puentes que tenían baños a intervalos regulares. Se quitó y se utilizó como abono o fertilizante en la agricultura.

El uso de orina. Alfredo López Austin explica: “Sin duda, la orina fue el producto del cuerpo humano más utilizado en terapias antiguas [medicina reparadora]. Se utilizó para tratar el esternón [esternón], caspa, forúnculos en la cabeza, tiña del cuero cabelludo, abscesos, heridas, infecciones del oído, caras agrietadas, infecciones del cuello e incluso sarro en los dientes, así como contusiones internas [moretones] , esto último requiere que la medicina se beba.

En general, los indigena usaban materia orgánica para cambiar pañales que era desechable y biodegradable. Se muestra en los restos encontrados en muchos sitios de las Américas que los bebés llevaban poca o ninguna ropa, lo que indicaba que debían haber usado plantas para cambiarles los pañales.

Por ejemplo, los Comanche fabricaban pañales de musgo debido a sus beneficios medicinales, el musgo promueve la curación al absorber la humedad de la piel y se usa para tratar afecciones como el eccema. Las propiedades antisépticas de Moss previenen la dermatitis del pañal. “La mayoría usaba la piel de un animal como parte de la cubierta, pero empacaban el pañal … piel de animal era lo que muchas culturas indigenas usaban para hacer ropa, ya que el cultivo del algodón no se introdujo hasta que llegaron los colonos ingleses, y la hierba y los musgos, específicamente el algodoncillo, eran excelentes para rellenar… ” Colocaban musgo o cedro finamente triturado en las cunas con el bebé durante los viajes largos. Lo cambiarían periódicamente.

Algo que en realidad no se descubrió ni se habló mucho fue cuando el bebé estaba dormido con la madre o cuando lo sostenía en sus brazos. Según la tradición oral y también los estudios recientes realizados con tribus que no están en contacto con la clase social actual. La madre puede sentir si el bebé necesita liberar fluidos corporales. Es de sentido común para una madre que el bebé defeca con algún signo de flatulencia. También se puede predecir después de que el bebé acaba de comer y su abdomen emite sonidos de digestión. Una madre indigena también sabría si estaban a punto de orinar porque comienzan a moverse justo después de despertarse y entra una corriente de aire. En última instancia, existe una conexión de sexto sentido entre la madre y el bebé que indica estas necesidades.

Los niños aprendieron a deshacerse de los desechos o fueron “entrenados para ir al baño” mucho antes de lo que lo hacen hoy. La psicología detrás de esa teoría es que estaban desnudos, por lo que, en esencia, se deshacían libremente de muchas toxinas diferentes. Un niño puede sentir este concepto a una edad muy temprana.

Rathje WL, Murphy C. ¡Basura! La arqueología de la basura. Editores de Harper-Collins. 1992.

El cuerpo humano y la ideología de Alfredo López Austin (trad. Ortiz de Montellano), vol. I, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, 1988, pág. 179

Bogoras, W. 1909 El Chukchee. Museo Americano de Historia Natural Volumen XI. E.J. Brill Ltd., Leiden.

Native American Heritage Month: Cloth Diapers

Ford, James A. 1959 Prehistoria esquimal en las inmediaciones de Point Barrow, Alaska. Artículos antropológicos Museo Americano de Historia Natural Vol. 47, Part 1. Nueva York.

godiaperfree.com/infant-potty-training-in-indigenous-arctica-america-how-people-potty-their-babies-in-countries-without-diapers-part-3/

Native American Waste And Diapering

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By Obzidian

In Mesoamerica prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, Natives did not wear very much clothing because being naked was not something shameful. The naked body was accepted and people did not see it in a shocking view. There were strict hygiene protocols. According to some ov the Spanish Chronicles, when they arrived in Mexico, they could not believe how clean everything was. It is said that Natives would go to bath houses sometimes twice a day. They were clean and smelled fragrant.

There was a system to keep track ov waste. In Mexikah culture, feces was collected in canoes carefully under bridges that had loos at regular intervals. It was taken away and used as manure or fertilizer in agriculture.

The use of Urine. Alfredo López Austin explains:

‘Without a doubt, urine was the product of the human body most used in ancient therapeutics [remedial medicine]. It was utilized to treat the sternum [breastbone], dandruff, boils on the head, ringworm of the scalp, abscesses, wounds, ear infections, chapped faces, neck infections, and even tartar on the teeth as well as internal contusions [bruises], this last requiring the medicine to be drunk.’

In general Native Americans used organic matter for diapering which was disposable and biodegradable. It is shown in the remains found in many sites throughout the Americas that infants wore little to no clothing which indicated that they must have used plants to diaper them.

For example, the Comanche made moss diapers because of it’s medicinal benefits, moss promotes healing by absorbing moisture from skin and is used for treating conditions like eczema. Moss’s antiseptic properties prevents diaper rash. “Most would use the hide of an animal as the cover portion, but they packed the diaper…animal hide was what many Native American cultures used to make clothes, since the cultivation of cotton was not introduced until the English settlers came, and grass and mosses, specifically milkweed, were great for stuffing…” They put moss or finely shredded cedar in the cradleboards with the baby during long travel. They would change it periodically.

Something that was not really discovered or talked about much was when the baby was asleep with the mother or being held in her arms. According to oral tradition and also recent studies done with tribes that are not in contact with today’s social class. The mother can sense if the baby needs to release bodily fluids. It’s common sense to a mother that the baby is having a bowel movement with any sign of flatulence. One can also predict after the baby has just eaten and their abdomen makes sounds of digestion. A native mother would also know if they were about to urinate because they begin to move right after they wake and a draft comes in. Ultimately there is sixth sense connection between mother and baby that signals these needs.

Children learned to be rid of waste or were “potty trained” much earlier than they do today. The psychology behind that theory is that they were naked so in essence they freely disposed ov many different toxins. A child is able to sense this concept at a very young age.

Rathje WL, Murphy C. Rubbish! The archaeology of garbage. Harper-Collins Publishers. 1992.

The Human Body and Ideology by Alfredo López Austin (trans. Ortiz de Montellano), vol. I, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, 1988, p. 179

Bogoras, W. 1909 The Chukchee. American Museum of Natural History Volume XI. E.J. Brill Ltd., Leiden.

https://lalabyebaby.blog/2017/11/28/native-american-heritage-month-cloth-diapers/

Ford, James A. 1959 Eskimo Prehistory in the Vicinity of Point Barrow, Alaska. Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History Vol. 47, Part 1. New York.

godiaperfree.com/infant-potty-training-in-indigenous-arctica-america-how-people-potty-their-babies-in-countries-without-diapers-part-3/

Stela 10 Seibal Guatemala

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Stela 10 is on the north side of Structure A-3 ov this archaeological site. Seibal is located in El Ceibal, Peten, Guatemala. It was inhabited in the Middle Preclassic Period around 800 B.C. It was apparently abandoned between roughly 500-690 A.D. After it was reoccupied in 735, Ruler 3 from the Maya city known today as Dos Pilas, captured the, Yich’ak Balam, ruler ov Seibal and his city, leading to about 60 years of foreign rule.

Stela 10 depicts Wat’ul Chatel, traditional Maya dressed in the Terminal Classic period. The text on this stela displays the emblem glyphs ov Tikal, Calakmul and Motul de San José, describing how he received visitors from those cities. Among the visitors are named Kan-Pet ov Calakmul and Kan-Ek’ ov Motul. Wat’ul Chatel wears a headdress associated with the patron dieties ov Seibal, the heron and K’awiil, deities that were also the patrons of Palenque. This appears to be an attempt by this foreign king to identify himself more closely with the city he came to rule.

Around 830, a non-Classic Maya group settled in Seibal, which witnessed its greatest florescence over the next century, its population reaching about 10,000. The city was permanently abandoned in 930 and not rediscovered until about 1890.

Wat’ul Chatel was also known as Aj B’olon Haab’tal’s.

Aj B’olon Haab’tal NARRATIVE:


He lets the water from the Pasion drown into his field of vision as he glances down at the river that reflects his omniscient gaze. The elite stare intently at his every move, pondering what might be streaming through their leader’s mind. Unknown to their curious looks is the ambition which steams out of their overlord’s heart and perspires out onto his glowing skin. Aj B’olon Haab’tal masks his overflowing aspirations behind a calm and composed face, one that beckons the thought of:


“I want my rule to mimic and surpass the glory that other once dominant cities enjoyed. What Dos Pilas has stolen from us in our cities’ unfortunate span of oppression, we shall restore into future generations of prosperity.”


In the midst of heavy thought, the ruler is interrupted by one of the elite who states bluntly, out of his discomfort at the almost dreary silence that wafts through the humid air:

“K’uhul Ajaw! Are you ready to commence planning out your temple?”

Not one wisp of breath pours out of Aj B’olon Haab’tal’s meditative lips

“Did he hear what I had said?” doubts the puzzled member of the elite.


The other elite share the same question in their own minds. Another individual, who secretly teems with embarrassment as the sun’s spotlight stubbornly hangs above him while it creeps downward into its resting place which stelae shall mark someday, gathers the courage to iterate his companion’s seemingly innocuous act of asking:


“K’uhul ajaw? We have gathered today…”


“I know, I can see that” is his concise, yet ambiguous return of words.


“What would you have us do today, k’uhul ajaw?”


“Do not simply refer to me as k’uhul ajaw. I go by many names, for I am your friend, your mentor, and your leader who shall bring to you an era that sings of happiness and renewed hope in our strength as a city, a city that shall rise in glory above the trees that entrap it. This city shall not lay in the foul muck that has smeared Seibal’s ancestry for all too long! We shall break with this pitiful past and install a future that our descendants will rave about and build upon until the end of time. I am Aj B’olon Haab’tal, invest in me your faith as your friend, your mentor, and your leader who shall help Seibal forge its own history amongst the greatest of all time!”


At this most powerful and endearing moment, the lips of all burst forth into a continuous rampage of uplifting cheers and chants that bear their ruler’s name.

That is all but two. Out of the aura of widespread jubilation emerge two rulers whose own cities, Tikal and Calakmul, tinker on increasingly unstable foundations.

Jewel K’awiil and Chan Pet of Tikal and Calakmul respectively, two cities ancient in embroiled rivalry, now mutual in decline, hover their voices above the crowd in an attempt to bolster their, at best, marginal presence.

As the symphony of vocal support dies down in intensity, K’awiil and Pet’s voices coincidentally echo

“Aj B’olon Haab’tal, we have…”

The two look at each other in spite. The declaration restarts

“Aj B’olon Haab’tal, we have come…”

The two bridge their eyebrows eyes closer while the river’s mirror and the ruler, his turned back still ignoring their every word, share smirks at just how much authority that he retains in comparison to the two once preeminent cities who saw Seibal as a mere pawn of influence.

“Aj B’olon Haab’tal, we have come…” K’awiil’s voice regretfully yields to Pet who, with more pomp in his speech, continues

“We have come before you in celebration on this great day. Oh, what a glorious day it is to be in your presence for the end of the first k’atun of the tenth bak’tun.”

Aj B’olon Haab’tal ambiguously scrolls his eyes toward the two “rulers” behind him before returning to his former relaxed poise and perspective like that of a cat lazily peeking out in response to a sudden sound whereupon sleep then fills its focus.

“I have….” K’awiil starts

“We have…” Pen interjects “…wanted to bear witness to your decision concerning your magnificent future temple.”

The other elites’ expressions flip from uniform smiles to uniformly crossed arms and rolling eyes at Pen’s empty remark.

K’awiil attempts to break open his lips from the embarrassment that seals them shut. He engages the ruler on a lighter subject.

“How do you today, k’uhu.. Aj B’olon Haab’tal?”

Aj B’olon Haab’tal slyly rolls his head to the side, his neck as straight as a jaguar peeking up at its unknowing prey while hiding in the shadow of its own silent gratification.

He was feeling especially delighted today. The whites of his eyes wrap around darkened cores of energy and innovation that his constituents have not fully seen. His hands clasp together into tightened grips around his bright destiny.

The eyes now depart from their pair of twins in the water. As they stubbornly voyage to meet those Chan Pen and Jewel K’awiil’s, the body now makes a slow effort to turn in the same direction. The mouth bursts open into bemusing satire.

“I am feeling especially horrible today. What’s more? Your question only serves as fodder for my unfortunate ears which have to carry your screech of a sound to my most clouding headache.”

Chan Pet now smiles happily in his imagination. Nevertheless, neither Chan nor the now humiliated K’awiil make one more sound and step back to stand among the ranks of other elite.

All eyes now meet the ruler’s headdress, so rich in splendor, so intimidating in appearance that even the lowly dirt beneath his feet frantically follows the wind to avoid being covered by his headdress’ shadow.
His field of view extends over the crowd onto the vacant plot of land that will be holy in his name.

He envisions a structure with four sets of stairs climbing to one origin. Each entry door shall bear his image in all of his splendor to his people and his future generations of subjects….


Sources:

http://www.primidi.com/seibal

https://cosmolearning.org/images/stela-10-at-seibal-maya-world/

https://www.peabody.harvard.edu/cmhi/detail.php?num=10&site=Seibal&type=Stela#

https://sites.google.com/site/s14anth137/project-definition/seibal

Stela 9 Piedras Negras Guatemala

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By Obzidian


Maya, classical period, 600-900 A.D
18,9 x 18,11 x 2,36 inch

Photo from the Millon Gallery

Stela 9 of Piedras Negras is being auctioned by the Millón Gallery , which will be held on September 18 at the Drouot Hotel located in Paris, France .

As one ov the “most important deities” ov a “Maya pantheon” is being presented for auction, the archaeological stela number 9 ov Piedras Negras, Petén. However, they do not have any permission to promote it and less to sell it, since it is owned by Guatemala, says the Ministry ov Culture and Sports (MCD).

According to the Ministry, since August 1st ov this year, the Department of Prevention and Control ov Illicit Traffic in Cultural Property communicated in writing with the Guatemalan Embassy in France about the ” intention to auction property of Guatemala”, which motivated the beginning ov various processes that seek to prevent the piece from being sold and, instead, the repatriation.

The archaeological piece was discovered by Teobert Maler in 1899 in Piedras Negras, Petén, but in the 1960s it was stolen by looters.

“With bibliographic antecedents and archaeological studies it can be determined with precision that the piece was in Guatemala and that it was deprecated and smuggled abroad illegally . Situation that does not legitimize, nor accredit any particular person to be able to adjudicate the legal possession of good culture, “says the DCM, through a statement.

The Association ov Archaeologists also called on the French Embassy in Guatemala and the Guatemalan Embassy in France to make their best effort to recover the stolen piece from the country.

Spearthrower Owl or “Atlatl Cauac” (364-439 AD) Early Classic period.

However, information is already found on the website of the Gallery , where it is identified as article 55 and is described as an ” exceptional piece under relief , presenting the head of the deity of the celestial birds in the form of a night raptor. It has a stepped crown of geometric constructions with interwoven shapes. It is made of stone carved in round. The piece is Maya ov the classic period and measures 48 x 46 x 6 centimeters. “

Meanwhile, the initial bid to acquire the piece, which is presented with others from other countries, starts at 25 thousand euros, about 212 thousand quetzals . The offer can be made online and by phone. In addition, they indicate that it was “obtained from a collection of Pierre Langlois, Paris, May 1965. Acquired from Earl Stendahl, in the 60s”.

According to the MCD, the piece represents a zoomorphic face, has a headdress composed ov feathers and rectangular geometric figures. It is carved in limestone and its temporality dates from the Classic Period (250 to 900 AD). According to investigators David Stuart and Ian Graham, the wake was found by Teobert Maler in 1899, at the Piedras Negras archeological site, where it remained until looters predated the place clandestinely.

Source:

https://www.soy502.com/…/guatemala-reclama-pieza-arqueologi…

http://www.millon-associes.com/html/fiche.jsp…

Awautli, Axayakatl

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Awautli (Ahuautle), which literally means “water amaranth.” The Awautli are Krizousacorixa (= Kirzousacorixa; = Ahauhtlea) azteca, egg, nymph, from the Corixidae and Notonectidae families in scientific terms. They were a delicacy for ancient Mexicans. Yet, awautli are still served in different parts ov Mexico.

By Obzidian

Axayakatl (axayácatl) which in Nawatl (Nahuatl) means “water horsefly”, a species of aquatic mosquito, rather bed bugs, that live on the shore of the lakes and serve as food for wild ducks. The Axayakatl is fished with a net placed on the shore of the lakes, ov some tulli (tules), cob leaves or a bundle ov grass or dried branches tied to a stake. They remain there for 15 or 20 day periods. Where thousands ov eggs whose size does not exceed one millimeter in diameter will have been deposited. The growing season starts in July and ends between September and October, that is, during the rainy season.

After which the Axayaka are toasted, but also its eggs are edible and are called Awautli (Ahuautle), which literally means “water amaranth.” The Awautli are Krizousacorixa (= Kirzousacorixa; = Ahauhtlea) azteca, egg, nymph, from the Corixidae and Notonectidae families in scientific terms. They were a delicacy for ancient Mexicans. Yet, awautli are still served in different parts ov Mexico.

In Iztapalapa a man called Don Manuel Flores would harvest the eggs and sell them in the neighborhood. Until recently, his health has deteriorated and has not been seen selling awautli. Unfortunately his family members do not seem to continue the tradition.

Apparently the appetite for insects is diminishing as well. Axayakatl proliferate the lacustrine zone of the Valley of Mexico but, the desiccation of Lake Texkoko (Texcoco) has significantly reduced its population.

That is why the awautli is less common in the diet of Nawa descendants such as the ximalwakateka (chimalhuacanos) because less and less people are dedicated to cultivating it, so this delicacy is eaten only on special occasions.

Pablo Buendía Arrieta, a resident of the San Pedro neighborhood, argues that the pride of his hometown, descends from the Toltecs, in its culinary wealth, based mainly on aquatic animals such as fish, amphibians, insects and birds.

Chronicles of the Spanish invaders stated that this food was offered as an offering to the deity Xiuhtekuhtli, guardian ov the fire, also that it was taken daily to the court of Moktizuma (Moctezuma) in Tenoxtitlan (Tenochtitlan), and Kuitlawak (Cuitlahuac). It was consumed fresh at breakfast and eventually the invaders learned to consume them in cakes.

The sixth ruler of the Azteks, Axayacatl. Telleriano-Remensis codex.

Today there are very few people who still extract the awautli from Lake Nabor Carrillo, these are small owners of the properties known as Los Tlateles, which border the federal reserve area; those that still continue with this tradition.

Sources:

http://www.bbc.com/travel/story/20190910-mexicos-ancient-caviar?ocid=ao&fbclid=IwAR2s9oQ-rvNVb7HXi25PmVeqo6DoE0VQrjnJmsh9rwmBM3cDsJIta9wnaPw

https://tuul.tv/es/cultura/ahuautle-desayuno-moctezuma

Prehispanic delicacy Awautli…

Koyolli, Chachayotl, Ayoyotl

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Koyolli “coyolli” (rattle) appears in the Classical Nawatl (nahuatl), but currently they are also known as Chachayotl (to play an instrument) and Ayoyotl (watery rattle); that when shaken are a type idiophone percussion instrument which sounds like rain.

By Obzidian

According to Nawa oral tradition koyolli “coyoleras”, rattles or also known as jingle bells on the ankles represent the triumph used by Wuitzilopoxtli (Huitzilopochtli). The koyolli symbolize the 4 elements -water, fire, earth and air, which were used by the Jaguar and Eagle Warriors and whose sound evokes that produced by the storms associated with fertility and abundance…

Which makes sense because this is part of a warrior armor. The dances were part of warfare. We wore these combat armors during battle primarily. Dances and music were part of our daily life. We drum and blow the conch or play the teponaxtli during rituals.

Koyolli (coyolli), rattle appears in the Classical Nawatl (nahuatl), but currently they are also known as Xaxayotl (Chachayotl) which means to play an instrument and Ayoyotl, watery rattle; that when shaken are a type idiophone percussion instrument which sounds like rain.

In the current Aztek dance society we practice with one of the fundamental elements that make up the attire which are the koyolli or rattles on our ankles. These have a deep meaning associated with the philosophy from our ancestors that comes alive when they sound.

The sound of the koyolli is also associated with Tlalok “the nectar of the rain that feeds the earth”. When dancing, at times only the rattles are sounding, a torrent of rain is clearly heard, therefore, with our movements we also ritualize the fecundity of the earth in this union of rainwater with the earth.

Tlalok in a philosophical sense symbolizes the condensation ov energy given that, it is the liquid that that descends from the sky, from Father Sky to make seeds sprout into flowers and generate fruits that give sustenance to humans.

It is customary that the rattle of each foot should be composed of 52 koyolmeh representing a turn in the time count, therefore when joining both koyolli they add up to 104 coyolmeh; which are the years it takes Venus to pass in front of the Sun and in this time its 13 pentagonal synodic cycles are fulfilled. These koyolli are earned by learning dances and passing tests. Nothing is given to anyone without earning it even the Tlatoani and people with authority or what were called Nobles had to earn them.

As we dance and rattle the koyolli with our energy; with our will, we ritualize the living presence of Tonantzin Tlalli “our venerable Mother Earth.” Aztek Dance is an activity in which we offer our energy so that the earth continues to generate the precious fruits that nourish us. In each step that has a particular meaning we recognize ourselves as part of nature.

The koyolli are very well represented in Koyolxauhki “the one that is adorned with precious rattles”. She governs the creative and life-giving feminine energy, associates with the moon but above all is the regent of the Zentzon Huitznawak “The four hundred warriors ov the South.”

When we dance and sound our koyolli we recognize ourselves as one of the warriors of the south, those who forge their will, as Huitzilopochtli does, the left-handed hummingbird that resembles the Sun from the south, the winter sun.

In the first instance the koyolli refers to the rattle of the serpent. In ancient Mexican thought the rattlesnake is symbolism that denotes the presence of our Mother Earth. Firstly, because its ripples resemble the valleys and mountains. In the second stance, because in its skin rhombuses are drawn and within each they are associated with the four directions that make up the universe. Thirdly, because every so often their old skin falls off, in the same way that the earth in winter gives off its old skin that is renewed in spring.

We dance together, in harmony, in the same sense and in duality since what the left side of our body does is also done by the right side. When we dance we learn that we are the same, unified by the heart of Mother Earth, which is the Huehuetl “drum”.

When we dance and rattle the seeds, we unite the sky with the earth, as the serpent fecundates with the nectar of the earth to create the flowers and fruits that nourish the human race. We dance, we become warriors ov the essences who have detached themselves from their selfishness to offer their time and energy in harmony together with our brothers and sisters on the way. As we dance, we learn that each step has a purpose, a meaning that is none other than to honor the life that is given to us by the duality ov Mother Earth and Father Sky, the venereated and creative duality.

Our ancestors taught us that every step in life must have a purpose, a usefulness, a why and a value, therefore they must be conscious movements that take us along the path that goes towards Father Sun, towards the light, towards the truth.

Xhupa Porrazo

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By Obzidian

In ancient Mexhiko, black was the color of the incorporeal, because it represented the absence of attributes, that is, the ABSTRACT. It was the color of the West, the course of the naguals. That is why the sages dressed or painted their skin black, they wanted to return to the beginning when all was dark. Interestingly, one of the titles of a “Supreme Being”-which the invaders interpreted as an allusion to the “devil“-was actually Yowalli E’ekatl, “Darkness Wind”. The Spaniards did not understand the wind has four colors and darkness or black is one of them.

In the photo: Three Xhupa boxers in helmets with sections ov conch on their hands as weapons. Hand to hand combat. A form ov boxing.

The white, on the other hand, was the color of the bones, and therefore, of the corpses and corruption. White was associated with the direction of the North, where the mouth of the Underworld was. Today this symbolism has been reversed.

The practice of Xhupa Porrazo finds its origin in the Isthmus ov Tehuantepec, in Oaxaca, where there are four neighborhoods that practice it: Juchitán, Ixtepek, Tehuantepec and Ixtaltepec. Tournaments are held within the communities, in which both youth and adults participate. The pure Xhupa Porrazo is a way of fighting to fracture, seriously injure or knock out the opponent.

Xhupa

Etymology:

Xhupa Porrazo, which in Zapotec means “two strokes” or “two falls,” taking the Zapotec variant ov the Isthmus of Tewantepek (Tehuantepec), where Xhupa (chupa) is “two”.  The “thump” is understood as a fall or a blow. “Porrazo”, however, is not a Zapotec word, but comes from Spanish. What does exist in Zapotec is the word “porra” which means knot, being able to give a similarity to the keys or padlocks used in the fight.

The origins of Xhupa Porrazo date, according to Adrián Romero Díaz, from 300 B.C, a date close to the height of the splendor of the Zapotec culture.  There is even visual evidence in engravings found in the ruins ov Monte Albán.

 The Xhupa Porrazo is based on the imitation of movements of seven animals with which you have a physical and ritual connection.  The animals are the snake (bandage), the eagle (biphia), the ocelotl (peye), the monkey (migu), the deer (biguina), the iguana (buxhashi) and the armadillo (

 Weapons are also assimilated, which over time were modified or replaced.  We have a machete (nayula), spear with tip (ichi-corto), normal spear (agucha-larga); curved spear (guiche), sling (dova), knife (gulliu), stick with a stone point (llaga ille) and the corded triple ball (do ille).

To be able to master this art it is recommended to start from childhood. Thus the body eventually assimilates the techniques better, because the key is flexibility. The Xhupa Porrazo practiced by children is called Chechite Nu. The difference is that while in one the training and technique are handled gently, in the other, the opponent is injured in its entirety.

The pure Xhupa Porrazo differs from other martial arts by the imitation of its movements with animals; the way of using the hands (swipes); the ease of disarticulating and fracturing the opponent; the use of fists, kicks and headers; all in the form of a dance with low positions; very close to the ground.

The greatest exponent of the Zapotec technique is Gaudencio González, known as Papa Gude, for obtaining 7 titles and in the 80’s was the only Master of the art.

Ramón Yee was the first to receive direct training by Papa Gude in the 80’s and it was he who later took this martial art to the capital. In a short time, Yee became famous because he obtained the Ginness record, breaking a ton of ice tiles with his chin. Now the Xhupa Porrazo is manifested in the Xilam, which is a martial art where the Xhupa Porrazo is taken as the base, since there are seven levels, representing the seven animals (the snake, the eagle, the ocelotl, the monkey, the deer, the iguana, and the armadillo).

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