In Xilapitzalli

As its Nawatl name, Xilapitzalli (chilapitzalli), literally ‘chilli-flute’, is now known as an enchilada.

When the Spanish conquistador Bernal Díaz del Castillo first entered the Aztek capital of Tenoxtitlan (Tenochtitlán) on 8 November 1519, he was amazed – not so much by the temples and palaces which dominated the city as by the food. He had never seen anything so rich, nor so unusual. The meals eaten by Tlatoani Moktezuma II were especially dazzling. As Díaz recalled in his Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España (1576), 300 dishes were cooked for the monarch alone, while a further 1,000 were prepared for his guests. Served on platters of ‘red and black Cholula pottery’, these were of every imaginable variety. As well as ‘two thousand pots of chocolate’ and no end of fruit, there were ‘fowls, turkeys, pheasants, partridges, domestic and wild ducks, deer, peccary, reed birds, doves, hares, rabbits, and so many other birds and beasts that [Díaz] could never finish naming them’. There were even plates of human flesh – or so he had heard. But most striking of all was a little dish served between courses. Midway through the meal, Díaz wrote:

Two … young women of great beauty brought the monarch tortillas, as white as snow, cooked with eggs and other nourishing ingredients, on plates covered with clean napkins.

Though rather short on detail, this is thought to be the earliest description of enchiladas in European literature. It was a turning point in their history. For no sooner had Díaz clapped eyes on them than they were launched on a voyage of transformation, which would see them become not only the deliciously meaty confections we know today, but also a culinary monument to centuries of colonialism, poverty and prejudice.

Xilapitzalli

By the time Díaz arrived in Tenochtitlán, enchiladas were already of great antiquity. Corn tortillas – or Tlaxkalli (tlaxcalli) in Nawatl– had been made in southern Mexico for several thousand years and had been a staple of Mesoamerican cuisine for centuries before the Spanish invaders arrived in the New World. At first, they were probably used as nothing more than an edible plate or spoon; but in time they came to be eaten as a wrap – often with a sauce or flavourings. As early as the PreClassic period 2000-250 B.C. the Maya of the Yucatán Peninsula are known to have dipped corn tortillas in pumpkin seeds, rolled them around a chopped, hard-boiled egg and then covered them in a rich tomato sauce. But the Azteks were the first to develop the first ‘true’ enchilada. As its Nawatl name, Xilapitzalli (chilapitzalli), literally ‘chilli-flute’, suggests, its most distinctive ingredient was the chilli pepper. This was ground up to produce a spicy paste, into which tortillas were dipped, then filled with beans, squash, fish, game, or eggs.

As Díaz’s account suggests, these early enchiladas – like tamales – were highly prized by the Aztek nobility. But they were also enjoyed by the common people and could be bought in markets throughout the Empire. Writing only a few years after Díaz, Bernardino de Sahagún gave a vivid description of a typical stall in his Historia general de las cosas de la Nueva España (1575-86). Laid out on the ground, Bernardino found chilli-dipped tortillas filled ‘with shelled beans, cooked shelled beans, uncooked shelled beans; with mashed shelled beans; [with] chili and maize … with meat and grains of maize’ – and any number ov other ingredients. All ov these could be eaten with a range of sauces, some of them terrifyingly hot.

From Aztek to ‘Mexican’

Yet enchiladas were already beginning to change – and not for the better. Two years after Díaz had visited Tenoxtitlan for the first time, Spanish forces under Hernán Cortés had seized the city and – amid scenes of almost unimaginable horror – brought the once proud Aztek Empire to its knees (Not necessarily). What remained ov its culture was systematically destroyed (No it was not destroyed). Temples were sacked and palaces and records burnt. But the invaders were content to appropriate much of its cuisine – including enchiladas. From the Spaniards’ perspective, they were unusually appealing. Not only were they tasty, but they were also simple to cook – and could even be eaten on the march. They could also be adapted to Spanish tastes relatively easily. New ingredients were added, including cheese, pork and chicken; and spicy sauces came to be used in preference to the chilli paste which had previously been the sine qua non of the Aztek version.

When Mexico became a fully fledged colony – as the Viceroyalty of New Spain – this hybrid enchilada became an integral part ov its culinary culture. At first, of course, it was merely a curiosity which the colonists ate while looking for gold and dreaming ov home. But in time, socio-economic shifts had turned it into a more potent object of pride, which testified to the gulf opening between New Spain and the Old. To those common folk whom intermarriage had bonded to the land, it seemed to encapsulate their new, half-Spanish, half-Aztek identity; while to those members of the colonial elites, whose ties to Iberia had been weakened by distance and wealth, it symbolised both their sense ov ethnic superiority and their growing desire for autonomy.

So pronounced did this self-identification with enchiladas become that, when the yoke of colonial rule began to chaff in the mid-18th century, it started to shed its former associations altogether. Now seen as neither Spanish nor Aztek, it gradually took on the air of a distinctively ‘Mexican’ food – and, by the time independence was eventually declared in 1821, it had become the closest thing the new country had to a ‘national’ dish. Indeed, when the first Mexican cookbook was published in 1831, the author, Cristina Barros, was so proud ov it that she included not one, but two separate recipes.

An American Odyssey

But enchiladas were not to remain purely ‘Mexican’ for long. When the US annexed Texas (1845), California and the South-West (1846-8), Mexican dishes began to find their way into American culture – laying the foundations for what would eventually become known as ‘Tex-Mex’ cuisine. Enchiladas were at the forefront of this process. Cooked on makeshift stoves, or bought from roadside stalls, they quickly became a favourite lunch food among hard-up farm hands and factory workers. To accommodate different tastes and budgets, they were also given a distinctive twist. Meat became less common; inexpensive, locally grown ingredients, such as lettuce and onion, were added; and the importance of chilli was somewhat reduced.

By the mid-1870s, enchiladas had begun to feature in regional recipe books. The earliest appears in the Centennial Buckeye Cook Book (1876), a rather curious volume aimed at poor families. Contributed by Anson Safford, the territorial governor of Arizona, this was a model of homely goodness:

Put four pounds of corn in a vessel with four ounces lime, or in a preparation of lye; boil with water till the hull comes off, then wash the corn … bake the meal in small cakes called ‘tortillas’, then fry in lard; take some red pepper ground, called ‘chili colorad’, mix it with sweet oil and vinegar, and boil together. This makes a sauce into which dip the tortillas, then break into small pieces cheese and onions, and sprinkle on top the tortillas, and you have what is called ‘enchiladas’.

Such recipes were, however, the exception rather than the rule. Though Mexicans lived and worked alongside Americans of all stripes on the frontier, they continued to be regarded with hostility by European settlers and coastal elites. This found expression not only in crude racial slurs, but also in disparaging attitudes towards Mexican cuisine – especially enchiladas. Typical was the description offered by a visitor in 1883. Enchiladas, the traveller explained, are:

greasy tortilla sandwich[es], containing chilies and a number ov other uninviting looking compounds and other nasty messes, [which] are sold everywhere, filling the air with a pungent, nauseous smell.

Not until the early 20th century did enchiladas gain wider acceptance. Although anti-Mexican sentiments continued to run high in some areas, increased migration to northern states coupled with greater prosperity and the growing importance of cities with particularly large Mexican populations – such as San Antonio – had conspired to mitigate the disdain felt for Mexican foods by the end of the First World War. In the early 1920s, enchiladas were being served in a growing number of restaurants, especially in southern states, and – heaped with a more lavish selection of ingredients – had at last become the object of culinary desire.

Soon, people were clamouring for a taste. Among them was Louise Lloyd Lowber, a budding food writer. In 1921, she admiringly described how enchiladas were prepared at the ‘famous Enchilada House in Old Albuquerque’ for well-heeled readers. A tortilla, she recounted, was first placed in the middle of a large plate,

then a flood ov rich, red chile and more cheese, sprinkled between in layer-cake fashion, and the whole topped off with a high crown of chopped onions in which nestles an egg, which has been broken a minute into the hot lard. An artistic and cooling garnish of lettuce – and behold an enchilada.

Since then, the popularity of enchiladas in the US has only grown – so much so that, today, there is hardly a town where they cannot be found.

Mexican Again?

The ‘Americanisation’ of enchiladas has, however, not always met with the approval ov Mexicans – least of all in Mexico itself. Motivated in part by a resurgence of nationalism, they have often denigrated the hugely calorific versions favoured by modern estadounidenses as inauthentic aberrations and called for a reversion to the simpler recipes of the past.

This is no doubt well intentioned; but I can’t help feeling that such appeals to ‘authenticity’ and national identity ring hollow when applied to enchiladas. Given how often they have been appropriated by different peoples, and how greatly they have been changed in the process, it is misleading to suggest that they truly ‘belong’ to any one culture, or that a particular recipe is any more ‘authentic’ than another. Surely, to perpetuate such myths is to revive the prejudice and chauvinism which drove the evolution of enchiladas in the first place. Indeed, if the history of this dish shows anything, it is that such sorrows should be overcome not by hiding recipes behind high walls, but by sharing them – with an open mind, a warm heart and a friendly smile.

Alexander Lee is a fellow in the Centre for the Study of the Renaissance at the University of Warwick. His latest book is Humanism and Empire: The Imperial Ideal in Fourteenth-Century Italy (Oxford, 2018).

https://www.historytoday.com/archive/historians-cookbook/enchiladas-culinary-monument-colonialism

Koyolli, Chachayotl, Ayoyotl

Koyolli “coyolli” (rattle) appears in the Classical Nawatl (nahuatl), but currently they are also known as Chachayotl (to play an instrument) and Ayoyotl (watery rattle); that when shaken are a type idiophone percussion instrument which sounds like rain.

By Obzidian

According to Nawa oral tradition koyolli “coyoleras”, rattles or also known as jingle bells on the ankles represent the triumph used by Wuitzilopoxtli (Huitzilopochtli). The koyolli symbolize the 4 elements -water, fire, earth and air, which were used by the Jaguar and Eagle Warriors and whose sound evokes that produced by the storms associated with fertility and abundance…

Which makes sense because this is part of a warrior armor. The dances were part of warfare. We wore these combat armors during battle primarily. Dances and music were part of our daily life. We drum and blow the conch or play the teponaxtli during rituals.

Koyolli (coyolli), rattle appears in the Classical Nawatl (nahuatl), but currently they are also known as Xaxayotl (Chachayotl) which means to play an instrument and Ayoyotl, watery rattle; that when shaken are a type idiophone percussion instrument which sounds like rain.

In the current Aztek dance society we practice with one of the fundamental elements that make up the attire which are the koyolli or rattles on our ankles. These have a deep meaning associated with the philosophy from our ancestors that comes alive when they sound.

The sound of the koyolli is also associated with Tlalok “the nectar of the rain that feeds the earth”. When dancing, at times only the rattles are sounding, a torrent of rain is clearly heard, therefore, with our movements we also ritualize the fecundity of the earth in this union of rainwater with the earth.

Tlalok in a philosophical sense symbolizes the condensation ov energy given that, it is the liquid that that descends from the sky, from Father Sky to make seeds sprout into flowers and generate fruits that give sustenance to humans.

It is customary that the rattle of each foot should be composed of 52 koyolmeh representing a turn in the time count, therefore when joining both koyolli they add up to 104 coyolmeh; which are the years it takes Venus to pass in front of the Sun and in this time its 13 pentagonal synodic cycles are fulfilled. These koyolli are earned by learning dances and passing tests. Nothing is given to anyone without earning it even the Tlatoani and people with authority or what were called Nobles had to earn them.

As we dance and rattle the koyolli with our energy; with our will, we ritualize the living presence of Tonantzin Tlalli “our venerable Mother Earth.” Aztek Dance is an activity in which we offer our energy so that the earth continues to generate the precious fruits that nourish us. In each step that has a particular meaning we recognize ourselves as part of nature.

The koyolli are very well represented in Koyolxauhki “the one that is adorned with precious rattles”. She governs the creative and life-giving feminine energy, associates with the moon but above all is the regent of the Zentzon Huitznawak “The four hundred warriors ov the South.”

When we dance and sound our koyolli we recognize ourselves as one of the warriors of the south, those who forge their will, as Huitzilopochtli does, the left-handed hummingbird that resembles the Sun from the south, the winter sun.

In the first instance the koyolli refers to the rattle of the serpent. In ancient Mexican thought the rattlesnake is symbolism that denotes the presence of our Mother Earth. Firstly, because its ripples resemble the valleys and mountains. In the second stance, because in its skin rhombuses are drawn and within each they are associated with the four directions that make up the universe. Thirdly, because every so often their old skin falls off, in the same way that the earth in winter gives off its old skin that is renewed in spring.

We dance together, in harmony, in the same sense and in duality since what the left side of our body does is also done by the right side. When we dance we learn that we are the same, unified by the heart of Mother Earth, which is the Huehuetl “drum”.

When we dance and rattle the seeds, we unite the sky with the earth, as the serpent fecundates with the nectar of the earth to create the flowers and fruits that nourish the human race. We dance, we become warriors ov the essences who have detached themselves from their selfishness to offer their time and energy in harmony together with our brothers and sisters on the way. As we dance, we learn that each step has a purpose, a meaning that is none other than to honor the life that is given to us by the duality ov Mother Earth and Father Sky, the venereated and creative duality.

Our ancestors taught us that every step in life must have a purpose, a usefulness, a why and a value, therefore they must be conscious movements that take us along the path that goes towards Father Sun, towards the light, towards the truth.

In tamalli ~ A New Mexico Tradition ov Hospitality

Tamal is a Nawatl word for soft leaf wrapped maize. Tamalli is plural. According to archeologist David Stuart, tamalli may date back to 100 AD. They found pictorial references in the Mural of San Bartolo, in Petén, Guatemala.

Tamal is a Nawatl word for soft leaf wrapped maize. Tamalli is plural. According to archeologist David Stuart, tamalli may date back to 100 AD. They found pictorial references in the Mural of San Bartolo, in Petén, Guatemala.

Atlatl

The atlatl, is a weapon that was used throughout the Mesoamerican territory.


The ancient Mexican Atlatl

The atlatl, is a weapon that was used throughout the Mesoamerican territory. However, its design, materials and decoration differs between its different cultures and different eras. Not equal to the Purepecha atlatl from the post-Classic to a Maya atlatl from the Teotihuacan classic. One of the last designs of spear throwers, was undoubtedly the Nawa (Nahua) of the basin of Mexico. This design is characterized by the use of a crosspiece or crossbar with which you can grip with your fingers. This type of spear throw, appears in codices, like the Boturini or the Florentine, where it can be seen that it was the type of atlatl with which the Mexikah confronted the conquerors. Archeologically, this type of spearmen appears as miniature in the offerings of the main temple, characteristically painted Maya blue, which symbolically links it to turquoise, fire and probably to the Xiuhkoatl symbolic weapon of the deity Wuitzilopochtli (Huitzilopochtli), which in some codices appears represented as an atlatl.

Xhupa Porrazo

By Obzidian

In ancient Mexhiko, black was the color of the incorporeal, because it represented the absence of attributes, that is, the ABSTRACT. It was the color of the West, the course of the naguals. That is why the sages dressed or painted their skin black, they wanted to return to the beginning when all was dark. Interestingly, one of the titles of a “Supreme Being”-which the invaders interpreted as an allusion to the “devil“-was actually Yowalli E’ekatl, “Darkness Wind”. The Spaniards did not understand the wind has four colors and darkness or black is one of them.

In the photo: Three Xhupa boxers in helmets with sections ov conch on their hands as weapons. Hand to hand combat. A form ov boxing.

The white, on the other hand, was the color of the bones, and therefore, of the corpses and corruption. White was associated with the direction of the North, where the mouth of the Underworld was. Today this symbolism has been reversed.

The practice of Xhupa Porrazo finds its origin in the Isthmus ov Tehuantepec, in Oaxaca, where there are four neighborhoods that practice it: Juchitán, Ixtepek, Tehuantepec and Ixtaltepec. Tournaments are held within the communities, in which both youth and adults participate. The pure Xhupa Porrazo is a way of fighting to fracture, seriously injure or knock out the opponent.

Xhupa

Etymology:

Xhupa Porrazo, which in Zapotec means “two strokes” or “two falls,” taking the Zapotec variant ov the Isthmus of Tewantepek (Tehuantepec), where Xhupa (chupa) is “two”.  The “thump” is understood as a fall or a blow. “Porrazo”, however, is not a Zapotec word, but comes from Spanish. What does exist in Zapotec is the word “porra” which means knot, being able to give a similarity to the keys or padlocks used in the fight.

The origins of Xhupa Porrazo date, according to Adrián Romero Díaz, from 300 B.C, a date close to the height of the splendor of the Zapotec culture.  There is even visual evidence in engravings found in the ruins ov Monte Albán.

 The Xhupa Porrazo is based on the imitation of movements of seven animals with which you have a physical and ritual connection.  The animals are the snake (bandage), the eagle (biphia), the ocelotl (peye), the monkey (migu), the deer (biguina), the iguana (buxhashi) and the armadillo (

 Weapons are also assimilated, which over time were modified or replaced.  We have a machete (nayula), spear with tip (ichi-corto), normal spear (agucha-larga); curved spear (guiche), sling (dova), knife (gulliu), stick with a stone point (llaga ille) and the corded triple ball (do ille).

To be able to master this art it is recommended to start from childhood. Thus the body eventually assimilates the techniques better, because the key is flexibility. The Xhupa Porrazo practiced by children is called Chechite Nu. The difference is that while in one the training and technique are handled gently, in the other, the opponent is injured in its entirety.

The pure Xhupa Porrazo differs from other martial arts by the imitation of its movements with animals; the way of using the hands (swipes); the ease of disarticulating and fracturing the opponent; the use of fists, kicks and headers; all in the form of a dance with low positions; very close to the ground.

The greatest exponent of the Zapotec technique is Gaudencio González, known as Papa Gude, for obtaining 7 titles and in the 80’s was the only Master of the art.

Ramón Yee was the first to receive direct training by Papa Gude in the 80’s and it was he who later took this martial art to the capital. In a short time, Yee became famous because he obtained the Ginness record, breaking a ton of ice tiles with his chin. Now the Xhupa Porrazo is manifested in the Xilam, which is a martial art where the Xhupa Porrazo is taken as the base, since there are seven levels, representing the seven animals (the snake, the eagle, the ocelotl, the monkey, the deer, the iguana, and the armadillo).

http://research.mayavase.com/kerrmaya_hires.php?vase=500

https://images.app.goo.gl/fCBRF1tvgv3ejgoD7

Lords of the Rain

Mixtek Ñuu Dzaui…

Several of the walls of the National Palace Gallery have been painted in indigo blue to receive Mixtek.  Ñuu Dzahui, Gentlemen of the rain, first magna galley dedicated to an ancient culture, whose geographical distribution extends beyond the high mountains of northern Oaxaca and its overcast skies that gave it its name, also covering the south of Puebla and the end East of Guerrero.

The Secretariats of Finance and Public Credit, through the headquarters, and Culture, through the National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH), co-organize this unprecedented exhibition, to which a variety of public and private institutions have joined, and even communities, in an eagerness for the “rain town,” Ñuu Dzahui, to reveal all its beauty and cultural heterogeneity, based on ancient testimonies and its contemporary artistic manifestations.

More than 500 works – which include lots of miniature objects – open the panorama of the ñuu savi, as they call themselves: archaeological pieces recovered from rich contexts such as Tomb 7 of Monte Albán and the burial of the “Lady of Yucundaa”, recreation  of a typical Mixtek house (built formerly by inhabitants of Tepelmeme Villa de Morelos), invaluable documents such as the San Vicente del Palmar Codex, handicrafts in various materials and even a collection of musical instruments.

Mixtek Ñuu Dzahui, Gentlemen of the rain “breaks with the schemes of a strictly archaeological exhibition, to propose a cultural sample of what the Mixtek are,” details the renowned archaeologist Nelly Robles García, researcher at INAH and coordinator of the curatorial script, have intervened a number of experts.

Under this premise, the exhibition that will remain until mid-2018 in the National Palace, part of the first villages organized a couple of centuries before our era;  until today, which also includes the assembly of a plastic sample of creators of Mixtek origin, with works by the renowned Rufino Tamayo and young artists such as José Luis García, who exhibits part of its high temperature ceramics.

The exhibition is divided into nine thematic nuclei: Mythical creation, Cosmogony, Archaeological Mixtek, Daily life (based on the explanation of the Mixtek house, where one is born, lives and dies), Postclassic manors, Alliances, The art of writing, The transition to the 16th century and today’s Mixtek.

Dr. Nelly Robles García tries to be brief in explaining the future of the Mixtek, but does not avoid the passionate tone when talking about her people.  She comments that the fact the Mixtek did not have large governing cities, perhaps “invisible” their significance has been in recent decades when there has been an “explosion” of archaeological initiatives in the Upper and Lower Mixtek, and the Oaxaca coast, as well as in the “Mixtek guerrerense and poblana.”

The record of several villages of Olmecoid influence, two millennia before Christ, points to the more remote antecedents of the “Mixtek”, among them is Etlatongo, near the town of Nochixtlán, Oaxaca. Sites like Monte Negro, near Tilantongo, located between 200 BC – 200 AD, and Yucuita and Huamelulpan, in the Mixtek Baja, to name a few, are considered among the first cities of this culture.

Although the Mixtek did not develop a central city, as the Zapotecs did with Monte Albán, their strategies via matrimonial alliances, inheritance and war expansion, allowed them to establish strong and autonomous manors.  After the arrival of the Spaniards, this bargaining power (the exchange currency was to allow evangelization) allowed them to maintain influence over their territories and their privileges, although epidemics decimated the indigenous population.

An example of the above was the discovery of the burial of the “Lady of Yucundaa”, whose importance is comparable to Tomb 7 of Monte Albán, says Nelly Robles.  The character was buried in the early colonial era (1522-1600) in the atrium of the church of the Old Town of Teposcolula or Yucundaa, but with a rich trousseau of pre-Hispanic tradition, composed of thousands of lapidary objects.  Both burial and trousseau are shown in Mixtek. Ñuu Dzahui, Gentlemen of the rain.

The museums of the Cultures of Oaxaca, Former Convent of Santo Domingo de Guzmán; the Regional of Cholula, Puebla; the National of Anthropology, the Regional of Huajuapan, and the ceramoteca of Cuilapan and the “Eduardo Noguera”, are some of the repositories that have lent part of their archaeological collection.

 Ornamental objects made of gold and silver, precious stones such as turquoise, obsidian, green stone and other materials found by Alfonso Caso in Tomb 7 of Monte Albán, in 1932 can be admired from the Museum of Cultures of Oaxaca.  turquoise mosaic, rock crystal cups and different pieces of goldsmith’s, including a mask representing the god Xipe-Tótec.

Thanks to the efforts of the Alfredo Harp Helú Foundation before the community of San Vicente del Palmar, in Tezoatlán de Segura and Luna, Oaxaca, it was possible to transfer the restored codex of that town to the National Palace.  The extensive document dating from the second half of the 16th century, is a cartography made on amate paper that shows the territorial boundaries of the Lower Mixtek and has glosses in pre-Hispanic writing.

Documents from the communities of San Miguel Tequixtepec, Santa María Zacatepec and Tepelmeme Villa de Morelos are also exhibited, as well as a facsimile of the Yanhuitlán Codex, the Map of Teozacoalco and various translations into the Mixtek language that refer to evangelizing work in the region.  In general, the documentary set demonstrates the change from painting to writing during the 16th century.

The curator Nelly Robles concludes that if something is clear in Mixtek.  Ñuu Dzahui, Gentlemen of the rain, is that this town has never lost its artistic skill, any material that passes through its hands is destined to become a work of art;  That is not to mention that their culture and all its manifestations, from the ability to trade to the ball game, go with them everywhere, because they are also known as “the people who always move.”

https://www.inah.gob.mx/images/boletines/2018_011/demo/?fbclid=IwAR0DVVI9NJLCpniy_pCIsO9Y-iFsTNc-VQNKRerM1rFj_LK1DF1GaVvxIis#img/foto9.jpg

TERMINOLOGY

Disclosures:

‘Anawak is the term that best describes all ov the Americas. This page will be discussing topics related to the Americas which include the nations, tribes, languages, customs, art, food, dance song, science, math, philosophies, medicine, wars and history.’

Obzidian

Greetings everyone,

At some point when it comes to Anawak culture we have to come to terms with how to describe many things. Anawak is a word in Nawatl (Nahuatl) usually spelled “Anahuac.” The phonetic spelling of the Nawatl language will be used on this site which we will then parenthesize the colonial spelling that everyone is used to, so you may research it.

Anawak is the term that best describes all ov the Americas. This page will be discussing topics related to the Americas which include the nations, tribes, languages, customs, art, food, science, math, philosophy, medicine, warring and history.

Most of what we understand about Anawak history has either been written by foreigners or left to oral tradition with caretakers and currently on archeological sites. However, you have to be careful because not all the information is accurately conveyed. Prior to 1492 the Americas were inhabited by only Native Americans who did not use that term “Native American.” We called ourselves the people mostly in our languages because we did not label people, places or things.

The foreigners labeled and renamed us. They also decided to define us with their scientific terminology and western mentality. Sometimes these labels are degrading and derogatory or they are inaccurate descriptions. The foreigners tried to eradicate Native American cultures during the colonization of the Americas they massacred, raped and pillaged. They destroyed books and buildings. They also used Christianity to indoctrinate and change the Native philosophy. They removed us, the original Natives from our lands and put many of us on reservations, haciendas, or boarding schools. They forbade us to speak our languages or practice our traditions.

To be fair some archaeologists, anthropologists, historians, and scholars are trying to aid in understanding what was lost during the colonization. But, that does not make up for what their ancestors destroyed and it is a very sensitive issue when a foreigner thinks they know who we are as the descendant Native Americans on this continent.

Since we now speak these colonial languages such as English and Spanish it is very hard to keep the essence of our languages in tact. Many aspects of our culture, traditions, philosophies, rituals and ceremonies are lost in translation. Some literally perform ceremonies in English or Spanish for lack of the knowledge. So we have to come up with some commonalities to protect and preserve our way ov life.

After 527 years, even our elders have lost many of the traditions and we have had to adapt to this New World.

Therefore, this page is dedicated to the reciprocity and validation of the Americas. My colleagues and I will do our best to clarify terms and give definitions as well as descriptions of Anawak culture. Please ask questions and add your thoughts at the bottom of each post. We will do our best to answer or create posts to explain each topic.

Pialli mazewaltin!

Pialli!

Hello world, welcome to Tamoanchan. This is where warriors may finally come to life. Please feel free to post and comment information about Native American history, language, philosophy, art, music, dance, science, warfare, weaponry, math, but please stay within the realms meaning no pseudoscience. Tlazokamati!